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The breakup of the U.S.S.R. was unexpected and unexpectedly peaceful. Though a third of the new states fell prey to violent civil conflict, anarchy on the post-Soviet periphery, when it occurred, was quickly cauterized. This book argues that this outcome had nothing to do with security guarantees by Russia or the United Nations and everything to do with local innovation by ruthless warlords, who competed and colluded in a high-risk coalition formation game. Drawing on a structured comparison of Georgian and Tajik militia members, the book combines rich comparative data with formal modeling, treating the post-Soviet space as an extraordinary laboratory to observe the limits of great powers' efforts to shape domestic institutions in weak states.
- Sales Rank: #909918 in Books
- Published on: 2015-07-02
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .75" w x 5.98" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 264 pages
Review
"Warlords and Coalition Politics in Post-Soviet States offers both a rethinking of the origins of the contemporary state in Eurasia and a reexamination of the relationships among secession, violence, terrorism, and political institutions. This is state-of-the-art political science - a book about real people grappling with matters of life and death, whose experiences we strain to understand using both abstract models and savvy ethnography. Jesse Driscoll helps us see how post-Soviet politics sometimes emerged as the continuation of war by other means."
Charles King, Georgetown University, Washington DC
"Combining rigorous deductive logic with stunning fieldwork, Jesse Driscoll produces analytic narratives from post-communist cases that serve to challenge conventional thinking about anarchy, state building, and other fundamental concepts of political science."
Roger Petersen, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
"Taking a deep look at the fighting that took place in Georgia and Tajikistan in the early 1990s after the Soviet Union disbanded, Driscoll questions many of the core assumptions scholars make in the literature on international peacekeeping. He knows this academic field well and is fluent in its key arguments, but he also spent two years in the places where these wars occurred and among those who fought them. This kind of firsthand research gives his analysis real heft. In both cases, it was not the eventual triumph of state authority, the clear defeat of one side, the disarming of the warring parties, or the arbitration of international mediators that allowed the conflict to end, as many theorists would assume. Rather, he argues, it was the deals that opposing warlords worked out among themselves, based on the bounty they could share, in a system that tolerated or even exploited their avarice - not least because they frequently came to constitute the state."
Robert Legvold, Foreign Affairs
About the Author
Jesse Driscoll is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego. He was an OCV fellow at Yale University and a GAGE fellow at the University of Virginia, and most recently a member of the Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies from 2009-13. His work has been published in the Journal of Conflict Resolution, Research and Politics, and the Journal of Survey Statistics and Methodology.
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5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Fascinating insights into state collapse and reconstitution
By C.P.M.
(Full disclosure: the author of this book was one of my recent professors and I was exposed to some of the ideas in his book during class, even if I didn't always understand them. Nevertheless, I have tried to give this book as objective a review as possible.)
The collapse of the Soviet Union and the creation of new nations along the Russian periphery from the ashes was both greatly consequential and surprisingly nonviolent. In fact, as the author of this book points out in the first few pages, the average length of civil war for these new nations lasted less than four years and cost only 500,000 lives, which is incredibly short and bloodless compared to the average 10 years it takes modern civil wars to resolve themselves. Why did this happen? In this fine academic book, Mr. Driscoll lays out a theory of how warlords engaged in coalition politics in these nations to bring about a speedy resolution. The main theory of the book is relatively simple and is explained in the second chapter. After the Soviet Union collapsed and "social violence entrepreneurs" (i.e. local warlords) rose up, they were faced with a two-stage game. Stage 1: either band together to put a puppet head of state in place in order to reap the benefits of both local rents (bribes, taxes, etc.) and outside rents (aid dollars, foreign investments, etc.) or continue to fight it out. If not enough warlords choose to band together, then a government isn't formed and those who did try to form one incur an extra "sucker cost" (love that term) as well as the costs of continued fighting. Stage 2: if a head of state is installed then warlords can choose either to support him or, if the warlord(s) believes that he will not reap enough of the benefits of local and outside rents, attempt a coup and replace the head of state. Here is where I get a little fuzzier on the details. Regardless, the theory flows quite easily from one stage to the next. In the following chapters Mr. Driscoll draws from his extensive interviews with former militiamen and warlords in Georgia (the nation, not the state) and Tajikistan to show how they played this game out in real life in the 1990s. The last chapter Mr. Driscoll reserves for policy implications and applies it to the current crisis in Ukraine, which no one who is interested in the region or foreign policy in general should miss. What makes this book better than most others coming out of academia is that it doesn't need a bunch of mathematical proofs to get its point across, although it does have some of that. His extensive interviews gathered over years in these two countries allow Mr. Driscoll to tell a fascinating story of state collapse and reconstitution. His chapter on how the first Post-Soviet heads of state in Georgia and Tajikistan "coup proofed" their regimes is particularly interesting. The implications for policymakers, particularly from the liberal side of the aisle, is intriguing and does make you question whether knowing that some foreign aid, democracy-promotion dollars, and foreign investment will be used in the short term for paying off militias is worth the potential long term benefit of a more stable and democratic nation as happened in Georgia. I highly recommend this book to everyone interested in the region, comparative political science, and/or foreign policy.
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